James Roberts: Woke ideology has brought with it an entire industry – and, even worse, it’s the taxpayer who’s funding it.

22 Sep

James Roberts is political director of the TaxPayers’ Alliance

With all the talk of post-Brexit state aid rules and subsidies for cutting-edge tech, other sectors propped up by the taxpayer are often overlooked. That includes our super-subsidised social justice sector.

The wave of woke has brought with it an entire industry. It has all the hallmarks of a successful sector: thousands of employees; quarterly results in the form of constant corporate releases on diversity; legions of lawyers; and incomprehensible industry jargon, repeated ad infinitum in its trade press, the BBC. It enjoys the backing of its own (captured) regulator, the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC), and it parasitically preys on millions of pounds of public money.

You would have thought the social justice sector was big enough to look after itself. In 2003, an American professor noted that companies were spending an estimated $8 billion a year on diversity efforts. Today, business is booming. 

Diversity demagogues have successfully roped gullible civil servants into their agenda. Annual reports from every government body are filled with endless initiatives (the Civil Service Commission’s “diversity forum” and Network Rail’s “Race Matters” programme, to name but two).

In 2018, we estimated that the Equality Act alone (which spawned a great deal of this diversity doctrine) would cost the taxpayer £49 million annually by 2020. That’s just the tip of the iceberg. There are government jobs a plenty for these cultural commissars: everything from Equality, Diversity and Inclusion Specialists at UK Research and Innovation (£49,708pa) to Head of Inclusion at Surrey & Sussex Healthcare NHS Trust (£47,544 – £53,459pa).

Nowhere is this clearer than with the EHRC. The body once headed by Trevor Philips has become the engine for social activism.

It starts with subsidies. We identified £40 million of taxpayers’ money being given to a sample of organisations last year which campaign and lobby for political causes. EHRC was one of the main suppliers. Lucky recipients of EHRC grants included £10,169 for the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants, £18,000 handed to think tank Bright Blue for “event costs”, and £19,000 to Diverse Cymru, having been commissioned to create films highlighting refugees’ issues in Wales.

Even this year, with a global pandemic, the right-on racket continued. Self-proclaimed “specialist in Gender and LGBT Equality” Julie Scanlon received £8,305 in April from EHRC for “research”. Topics from her blog include “Has your organisation ever celebrated Lesbian Visibility Day” and (somewhat ironically for taxpayers) “Is your privilege losing you money?”.

Then we have TS4SE, a provider of “refugee and migrant awareness training”. The EHRC gave it a grant of £9,191. Justice Studio Ltd were paid a total of £65,560 between April 2019 and July 2020. Before the final payment had even been made, the founder and managing director felt it appropriate to condone the desecration of Winston Churchill’s statue, claiming he “had it coming”, as well as pronouncing extensively on the existence of white privilege.  

These campaigners, openly and aggressively pursuing a political agenda, should not be receiving taxpayers’ money. For the record, we pursue an agenda. So does Greenpeace. But neither of us takes a penny from the state.

With political activism in full swing, woke warriors have been looking for other ways to influence policy-making at the taxpayers’ expense. Once again, EHRC has obliged. The EHRC panel of counsel is a list of preferred providers of external legal services for the quango, including representation and advice. The panel is the linchpin of a network of activist lawyers, pursuing contentious political causes with no regard for the effective cross-subsidy coming their way from taxpayers, via the EHRC.

Unlike the attorney activism of the past, this doesn’t need a penny of legal aid money. EHRC panel lawyers are able to claim and continue campaigning as they please. Catherine Meredith, of Doughty Street Chambers, enjoyed payments totalling £3,264 in January and February of 2019, before claiming Britain requires “radical institutional and social change” following the death of George Floyd.

Lawyers from Matrix Chambers have received almost £600,000 since 2017. Yet one represented the organisation that blocked a recent Jamaica deportation flight. He got £86,900. Another, Emma Foubister, defended Extinction Rebellion activists after their eco-antics. Her EHRC bill came to £55,934. Helen Mountfield QC, who represented “The People’s Challenge” in the Gina Miller Brexit case, herself pocketed £190,688.

The persistent campaigning of the publicly-funded progressives has been a remarkable vehicle for influencing public policy. With a few notable (and noble) exceptions, like Ben Bradley and Neil O’Brien, now MPs themselves have been bounced into (taxpayer-funded) lectures on woke ideology via “unconscious bias” training.

For all the talk of fighting for the values of “forgotten man”, remarkably few figures in this “People’s Government” have joined the battle. Priti Patel put her head above the parapet in battle against activist lawyers, and became a hate figure in return. One Matrix lawyer publicly mocked Patel as “not smart” or “deliberately misleading”. Last year an organisation called Race on the Agenda happily took almost £20,000 from EHRC, but had no qualms about signing an open letter to the Home Secretary accusing her of a “regressive and counterproductive policing policy and cheap political point scoring”.

Ministers need to wake up. The social justice super-blob will never stop campaigning, attacking any government policy they can, driven on by professional zealotry and perks of public funding. Popular policies (from any party) will always be targets. For the activism industry, the world truly is black and white.   

So what can be done? First, defund the committed crusaders. Organisations that campaign and lobby for political objectives shouldn’t receive taxpayers’ money. The EHRC, which began recruiting a new chair and board members in June, should cut them off. The new leadership would do well to remember, as Trevor Philips himself has found out, that the activism industry inevitably turns on its own supporters. It’s better to starve the beast. Taxpayers should not be asked to subsidise this agenda any longer.

Bill Cash: We would be within our rights to override the Withdrawal Agreement. And in any event, the EU itself is a law-breaker.

21 Sep

Sir William Cash is Chair of the European Scrutiny Committee, and is MP for Stone.

Disraeli, the inspiration of One Nation, predicted in 1838 that “the continent will not suffer England to be the workshop of the world”. He wrote Sybil – or A Tale of Two Nations, mirroring much today. Our manifesto in the general election to level up the more deprived areas in Britain demonstrates why the whole United Kingdom must be freely competitive in global trading – guaranteeing our jobs and businesses (and given Covid).

The EU pursues a cardinal principle: that we must not benefit from Brexit. Its origins lie deep in the supranationality of the EU treaties themselves and, originally, of the Commission and the European Coal and Steel Community. In Sheffield, I witnessed the destruction of our steel and coal industries, thanks to the unfair and discriminatory EU state aid regime.

Recent misconceptions have been generated in Parliament and outside regarding our compliance with international law. This comes in many shapes and sizes, and is often 60 per cent politics, 40 per cent law. The Internal Market Bill provides that the Government may need to override Withdrawal Agreement provisions derived from bad early negotiations.

There are dozens of documented overrides of international treaties worldwide by democratic countries without penalty. According to the German Federal Constitutional Court in 2015, international law leaves it to each state to give precedence to national law.

There are numerous statutory precedents in the UK, such as the Finance Act 2013, relating to anti-abuse tax powers, and whether UK prisoners could vote in elections. As the Attorney General stated in her published legal position, Parliament’s capacity to override international agreements was unanimously approved by the Supreme Court in the Miller case, and through clear “notwithstanding” provisions in Section 38 of the European Union Withdrawal Agreement Act 2020.

Lord Diplock ruled in 1968 in a Post Office case that Government “has a sovereign right, which the court cannot question, to change its policy, even if this involves breaking an international convention to which it is a party and which has come into force so recently as fifteen days before”. Laying a Bill is not a breach of international law. and is privileged. If a treaty is entered into on the reasonable assumption that a state of affairs would exist which does not transpire, the treaty is voidable.

The Withdrawal Agreement was written on the basis of recognising our sovereignty – which has not happened. This UK Internal Market Bill is a necessary insurance policy preventing us from subjection to EU jurisdiction, and ensures the necessary competitiveness upon which the jobs and businesses of every voter in every constituency depends, with our own state aid rules.

The EU itself frequently violates international law, as demonstrated by its own fishing policies in the waters of occupied Western Sahara.

Likewise, the EU’s penchant for instructing member states to defy Security Council rulings. So, too, sending migrants back to North Africa and Turkey. In 2010, the EU broke the Lisbon Treaty. Christine Lagarde admitted that “we violated all the rules” over the Greek and Irish bailouts. The EU is now unilaterally changing the bilateral Channel Tunnel Treaty without our being able to prevent it. The EU has demanded jurisdiction over crucial aspects of UK sovereignty, despite our lawful exit, as a precondition to concessions on trade. It has threatened to use WTO’s “most favored nation” principle against the UK – contrary to state practice, core principles of world trade and requirements to negotiate “in good faith”.

Look, too, at the track record of EU Member States. Germany blatantly breached international law when, during the EMS in the 1970s, it released the Bundesbank from the duty to intervene against the dollar. The then Chancellor, Helmut Schmidt, stated: “we breached applicable international treaty law, the IMF treaty, in multiple ways. We have neither complied with all the rules, the procedural rules of the treaty, nor have we complied with the substantive provisions.”

Angela Merkel suspended the Dublin Regulation unilaterally in August 2015, letting into Germany up to 600,000 Syrians. In 2020, Germany’s highest court ruled on the European Central Bank’s public sector purchase programme, subordinating EU law to German law. The EU took no action.

The undemocratic European Commission threatens to take legal action against the UK for what is not even an established breach of international law. They dare to tell our democratic sovereign Parliament to abandon essential proposals in this Bill. What a nerve.