We must level-up the country. By providing the funds we need, the Government will send a vote of confidence in the power of local decision-making.
My answer would be “maybe, provided the spending or tax cuts significantly improved our growth potential.”
The diet is always going to start tomorrow. But Governments then yield to temptation.
Chris Pincher, the new appointee, must stay in the post for the rest of this Parliament. It’s the only way that a strategy can be implemented properly.
Would the Government have the bottle for planning, childcare and police overhauls – and will Downing Street sign up to this plan anyway?
When Lord Kerr whistled, voters turned the Nelsonian equivalent of a deaf ear. When they whistled in turn, they and he were dragged helplessly along by the command of a democratic vote.
He is one of the few elements of continuity in what has been a turbulent year at the Government’s top table.
One has to pinch oneself to remember that as recently as last July May was Prime Minister, Hammond Chancellor of the Exchequer and Gauke Lord Chancellor.
It’s not just about there being more Tory MPs. There has been a remarkable clearout of the establishment figures.
Our policy on apprenticeships should be high profile during this general election campaign. I think that rather than abandon the Apprenticeship Levy, the Conservatives should radically reform it.
“I cannot embark on a course of action that would represent a direct challenge in a general election to the party I have supported all my adult life.”
Former Chancellor Philip Hammond dismisses Johnson’s deal as ‘a limited achievement, maybe, but a limited achievement”.
This is Ireland’s deal as much as the UK’s. So the Taoiseach has an interest in assisting the Prime Minister over extension.
The Prime Minister falls 14 votes short – and says that the Bill will be paused while he speaks to EU leaders.
It’s a surprisingly large Government majority: 24 independents and 19 Labour MPs voted with the Government.
On a straight up, straight down vote on the deal, our calculation is that the Government will lose by two – though that bypasses abstentions. But such a vote is very unlikely today,
At stake here is whether Britain ultimately repatriates meaningful economy policy, or remains only ever one small step away from EU re-entry.
If it happens, he must not just win but keep the backing of the DUP, Spartans, Labour rebels and as many of the whipless 21 as he can – and stave off a referendum too.
An obscure, unused agreement struck by Cameron and the 1922 Committee back in 2006 is set to come into play.
It’s time to grasp the real message of the 2016 referendum: that universal suffrage has been a mistake of historic proportions.
When Letwin and Watson are on the same page, we should all read the book very carefully.
The approach – and the role of the Chancellor in the forthcoming election offer – has changed markedly.
The former Party Chairman and Chief Whip says the only way to save moderate conservatism is to get Brexit through.
We must not allow a situation where, through oversight, such a child, years from now, could face a Windrush-type debacle.
Mark Spencer is reportedly ringing round to inform them that they have lost the Whip.
But there may well be method in his madness.
The Party’s rules – and the history of legal challenges to them – make for grim reading for the former Chancellor.
Gauke, Hammond, Burt and other rebels have little intellectual case for their actions; their moral or political rationale is threadbare.
Oddly there is no line that says ‘we might leave the EU, but only if the process passes tests that Philip Hammond isn’t applying publicly at this stage’.
Plus: I’ve never thought a national unity government is a runner, and I think it’s even less likely now.