The Health Protection (Coronavirus, Restrictions) (England) Regulations 2020 (Reg 6) and the Health Protection (Coronavirus Restrictions) (Wales) Regulations […]
The Coronavirus Act 2020, the UK’s most substantial legislative response to the Covid-19 pandemic, received Royal Assent yesterday […]
Today the House of Lords Constitution Committee reports to the House on the Coronavirus Bill. This is an […]
On Tuesday 17 March, the House of Lords endorsed a report by the Procedure Committee which has the […]
To respect devolution, the UK Government must not impose such a drastic development on the Province. Is this a test run for England?
At one point he even started firing questions back at me from the stage, putting paid to the moderators’ hopes of continuing the Q&A.
Julian Smith, formerly Secretary of State for Northern Ireland before he was unceremoniously ejected recently, was the latest in a long line of naysayers to pour cold seawater on plans to build a bridge between Scotland and Northern Ireland. The hypothetical structure has been dismissed from the start as a vanity project, a folly, even […]
Introduction On 19th January, after discussions within the Royal Family, it was announced that the Duke and Duchess […]
Leaving the EU will see new opportunities and challenges for the United Kingdom as a whole – and the Party needs to fight back in Scotland.
Don’t expect Downing Street to bother too much about what MPs or the media think as it prepares to shake up government.
Lord Caine has projected a plan that would allow proceedings into suspected Troubles-related offences only if certificates are issued by senior legal figures.
A December election in Northern Ireland could therefore turn, in a manner of speaking, into a referendum on the agreement.
The result of a general election next month would by no means be a foregone conclusion.
Culture is a key part of the nation’s cohesiveness, and should not be forgotten.
Overall, most English voters would rather keep the Union together if it were up to them – though they recognise it isn’t up to them.
If a UK-EU deal is agreed, it will be because both men want one urgently – which in turn opens a chance to reset Anglo-Irish relations.
Let me give seven examples of principles that most Conservatives would support. I struggle to reconcile them with those pursuing a No Deal Brexit at any cost.
Had the Benn Act not been passed, his negotiating position, as he presents his new plan, would be much stronger.
It would also be dishonest to claim that the thought of voting Liberal Democrat did not flicker momentarily as we’ve veered towards knuckle-head, pound-shop Orbanism.
In the end, it may well prefer to hold out for a general election – and the likelihood of a Brexit delay – in the hope that something better turns up.
The Commission is negotiating the terms of the UK’s withdrawal; yet the subject matter on which we are all stuck is not entirely within the jurisdiction of the EU.
The Brexiteers have fallen flat internationally because they overestimated Britain’s power. And they have done so domestically because they mistook a moral argument for a political one.
More broadly, there is a lead for Irish unification of 46 per cent to 45 per cent – a statistical tie.
Their words, like Johnson’s visit itself, look more like more gambits in a blame game than a genuine change of heart.
“It cannot form part of an agreed Withdrawal Agreement. That is a fact we must both acknowledge. I believe the task before us is to strive to find other solutions.”
He committed during the leadership election contest to raise it to £5000 per pupil – and level up outside London.